The revolution is different! Farewell to the old "New Right".

The revolution is different!

Farewell to the old "New Right"

Werner Olles

"From the sublime to the ridiculous is but a small step" (Napoleon). When an unrealistic and sterile idea of meta-politics accepts the permanent existence of immigrant communities with mafia-like structures, parallel societies, territories of fear, state- and lawless spaces, this no longer has anything to do in principle with a realistic meta-politics in the sense of the mastermind of the Italian Communist Party Antonio Gramsci. Gramsci's meta-politics, which he wrote down in detail in his famous "prison notebooks", was central to the concrete political organisation he represented and which he even headed as party leader for a time. Half a century later, the former MSI functionary and later leader of the so-called "Nazi-Maoists" Franco Freda argued for a strategic alliance between revolutionary right-wing extremists and revolutionary left-wing extremists with the goal of a hierarchical, totalitarian state. In fact, both camps fought Western liberal society, but the common ground was not enough to get beyond a few skirmishes against the hated police in the university sector.

In the 1990s, the cross-front strategist Pino Rauti, MSI member since the party's admission in 1946 by the communist justice minister Palmiro Togliatti, founder of the Julius Evola-oriented national revolutionary school of thought "Ordine Nuovo" and leader of the MSI splinter "Fiamma Tricolore" and a number of other small national revolutionary parties, attempted a synthesis between "leftist values" and "leftist values", to fuse a synthesis between the left-wing values of "work, dignity and social justice" with the right-wing values of "family, state, tradition and religion" and also failed tragically. 

A new generation of intellectual "mavericks" has now entered the political arena with the leading thinker of "social patriotism" Diego Fusaro, an intellectual who has taken to heart the link between class struggle and national sovereignty, and puts metapolitical resistance to the stateless and rootless financial aristocracy first in order to unite the working class threatened by economic impoverishment and the middle class plagued by economic decline. Fusaro blatantly calls a spade a spade by the "new masters of the post-bourgeoisie", whose entire hatred is for a plural world of traditions and peoples, languages and cultures, and pleads for a geopolitics, history of ideas and cultural critique, an imperial and multinational idea of Europe beyond the outdated, anti-queer chauvinism for which freedom is only an abstract concept.

These should also be the fundamental and most valuable goals of a national and social revolutionary "European New Right": The creation of a European elite, forged by inner transformation and growth of a spiritual nature, and valuing the great truths of the ancient philosophy of a Plato and Aristotle as much as it despises a politically correct, zeitgeist "baptismal Christianity" and admires the Christianity of the traditions, the Crusades and the brave defensive struggles of the European peoples against Mohammedanism. This is one of the existential and most important prerequisites for asserting our vision of Europe, avoiding the mistakes, remnants and definitional aberrations of the former Nouvelle Droite and old "New Right", in order to realise the utopia of a European renaissance.

For only here can we nurture, cherish and flourish our common heritage, recognise ourselves, our cultural and linguistic diversity and create a plurinational space that Europe needs more urgently than anything else. The bohemian, apparatchik and redundant claptrap of the calcified old "New Right" is only obstructive and counterproductive ballast in this process, because it is impossible to reconcile our conservative and national revolutionary as well as social patriotic ideas and our struggle for an organic democracy with the liberal principles of a corrupt old-style parliamentary democracy including its various rainbow parties. All this has simply survived, and that is a good thing!

Of course, this also includes a realistic geopolitics that stands up to the governmental puppet theatre of the US-affiliated western-ultraliberal elites, forges new alliances and understands the lack of focus on the ethnic dimension of identity as a true cultural revolution. This means firmly rejecting the multiracial and monoprimitive project of multiculturalism and diversity. The underestimation of "Afro-Maghreb" immigration into European social systems, which colonises our homeland and leaves behind a desert of criminality, violence, antisociality, hostility and foreignness, belongs in conjunction with the mendacity, the hypocrisy, warmongering, treason and disgusting denunciation of our negative elites, together with their pampered "Antifa" thugs, is one of the most serious mistakes and mortgages of the old "New Right".

For far too long, tolerance was preached as a virtue, and so the United Left, including its criminal, violent gangs, could always rely on "right-wing" tolerance. In fact, however, behind every virtue and false tolerance lies a restrained perversion, a political masochism, a vulgarisation and, last but not least, the reign of the ugly and infamous in tyranny. The classic antithesis to tyranny, however, is precisely not democracy but culture, for tolerance generally leads either to brutalism or cowardice, for without a harmonious community of like-minded comrades of all generations there can be no consummate virtue. The Spanish Catholic reactionary Donoso Cortés teaches us: "Given the choice between the dictatorship of the dagger and the dictatorship of the sabre, I choose the dictatorship of the sabre!"

Our mission, then, is not to gloss over and continuously gloss over a false tolerance and belief in the righteousness of those in power, but in myth, identity and a Caesarism of a modern, national-revolutionary character. It is therefore absolutely necessary to clear away the rubble of many decades of liberal-conservative thinking, intellectual stuttering and false fears in order to finally achieve a spiritual and moral renewal of our national, cultural and social foundations of life. The tragic resignation and cluelessness of EU Europeans, the profanation of the sacred and the forgetting of our centuries-old traditions in favour of mindless and humiliating conditions must finally come to an end, so that situation and myth grow together in nativism.

This will not be easy, because a myth can be interpreted, but a situation cannot, especially in the face of the vindictiveness of the unleashed barbarians invading us, the plague of ultra-liberalism and the dross of a conservatism that wants to save and preserve what can no longer be saved and preserved. The EU, the prison of the European peoples and nations, must be destroyed, Nato must be dissolved as a war alliance; which only serves Anglo-American interests.

We have to oppose the EU as a political swinger club with Carl Schmitt's "Europe as a Greater Space", a new spatial order and a new nomos of the earth in continentally connected greater spaces. In a world of struggles and wars, of violence and ultimately always of the powerlessness of unsatisfactory triumphs and never-ending defeats, an aristocracy of the future can thus emerge that writes the spiritual regeneration of Europe on its hundred flags and puts a well-deserved end to the democratic simulation of eternal persistence as a US colony. When, as Carl Schmitt said, the enemy is our own question as a gestalt, Disraeli called history a battle of the races, Freud's psychoanalysis destroyed Christian anthropology, and Einstein's theory of relativity has unhinged the anthropocentric worldview, the thesis of the ingenious Plettenberg constitutionalist of the unity of blood and spirit becomes clearer than ever before.

The axis year 1968 as the birth year of the New Left paved the way for post-bourgeois capitalism of a neoliberal character and thus also for the destruction of established traditions and institutions. Although at the beginning of the revolt it was about the Marxist class struggle and a neutrality of some kind beyond the two superpowers, the USA and the Soviet Union, Western Europe degenerated in all relevant areas from culture to education into a mere protectorate of US hegemony and the 68ers, long since afflicted with entrism, allowed themselves to be carried away by an iconoclasm of the few institutions that still existed. Hegel once remarked that world-historical events happen twice, and Marx added, once as tragedy and a second time as farce. To prevent this from happening to us again, the path of Eurasism is open to us today, which, beyond all dogmatisms, neo- and ultra-liberalism and globalism, declares a decisive struggle against the morbid and bellicose sphere of the Anglo-American complex and also leads this struggle on an intellectual and metapolitical level. This is an arduous task, and many battles will be fought and probably many defeats suffered on the thorny path towards it. However, we have no choice but to commit ourselves epistemologically to a resolute realism.

However, we have no other alternative and second chance for the creation of a European rebirth and ultimately for the restitution of a European empire of peoples, fatherlands and regions that includes Russia, the Slavic, Nordic and Romance-speaking countries and Germany with its important bridging function, from Lisbon to Vladivostock. Neither the terror of the globalists, nor the poisoned weapon of legality of those in power and rights, nor the daggers and knives of the barbarians as metaphors of ethnic-cultural civil war, should therefore deter us. But this has nothing whatsoever to do with expedient optimism or blind actionism. For as Oswalt Spengler says: "Optimism is cowardice.

Only dreamers believe in ways out. To persevere in a lost position without hope, without salvation, is duty!" On the other hand, those who do not fight have already lost! "To be human is to be a fighter!" With this Seneca quote we have to prove that we are there and ready to fight the battle against evil. In Schiller's ballad "The Fight with the Dragon", the story is told of a crusader who, full of courage but without a mission, kills a dreaded dragon and is therefore initially condemned by the Grand Master of the Order, but is pardoned because of his humble attitude. This shows how in the struggle for the rebirth of Europe, strength and humility are needed at the same time in order to be victorious against any dragon, whether it comes from within the warrior or from outside. In the sense of our great role models José Antonio Primo de Rivera, Jean Raspail, Dominique Venner and Guillaume Faye, this can only mean: Overcoming intellectual paralysis and Western, nation-destroying liberalism! Fortress Europe! Cultural reconquest! Reconquista! These are the prerequisites for the immortal "Occidental" to finally emerge again and for a heterogeneous world of largely homogeneous peoples to go its own way. 

In view of the world-wide ethnocide that accompanies globalisation and with it a progressive egalitarian flattening and egalitarianisation, the peoples of Europe have no other way out of the multiculturalism that produces the cruellest wars between peoples and races. The home-made pathology of a multiculturalism forced by massive immigration of allogeneic populations must be fought as a factor of decay and dissolution just as uncompromisingly as the perverse ideology of an unimorphous humanity, the decadence of the West as a miseducated child of the USA, "Western materialism, mercantile utilitarianism, cultural Americanisation and bourgeois thought" (Pino Rauti). In his famous work "Der Bourgeois - Zur Geistesgeschichte des modernen Wirtschaftsmenschen" (The Bourgeois - On the Intellectual History of Modern Economic Man), the national economist Werner Sombart wrote that "in the nature of the capitalist spirit itself lies a tendency that seeks to decompose and kill it from within".

With Gerd Bergfleth, one can now recognise in this "an extreme form of planetary nihilism" based on the "will to destroy the world". New myths for European destiny are therefore needed, because the enemy will not capitulate of its own accord, but will mobilise its best allies: The optimists, the sectarians of "human rights", the liberal conservatives who suddenly mutate into war-mongering neocons, all the little policyasters, know-it-alls, philistines and fact-humpers whose favourite pastime is looking for crumbs. We owe it to ourselves and to the evidence of our epistemological antinomianism not to be impressed by their invectives and diaphanous hypotheses and not to shy away from atavisms.

Werner Olles